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Israel’s Arab Parties Consider Supporting Anti‑Netanyahu Bloc in Search for New Government

In the wake of a hung parliament, the Joint List is engaging with opposition forces to shape Israel’s next governing coalition, balancing political influence with minority rights.

By Civitas.GlobalSource: english.news.cn3 min read

In brief

Following last week’s parliamentary election, Israel’s Arab‑led Joint List is negotiating with the anti‑Netanyahu bloc to formulate an alternative government. Although the alliance is reluctant to formally join a coalition, it seeks to secure progress on issues affecting the Arab minority. The move comes as both Netanyahu’s right‑wing coalition and former general Gadi Eisenkot’s opposition fail to reach a majority in the 120‑seat Knesset.

Israel’s Joint List, an alliance of Arab‑led parties, has entered into talks with the anti‑Netanyahu bloc over the formation of an alternative government after Tuesday’s parliamentary election, Xinhua reported on Saturday, October 28, 2026.

The vote count continues to indicate a hung parliament: Netanyahu’s right‑wing coalition was projected to secure 54 seats out of 120, while former military chief Gadi Eisenkot’s opposition bloc was estimated to win 49 seats, according to the Israeli Central Elections Committee. With no bloc holding the 61 seats needed for a majority, coalition negotiations have become a focal point of the national political scene.

The Joint List is a coalition of Arab‑majority parties in Israel – Ta'al, Balad, and Hadash – and has historically pursued a strategy of engagement rather than full coalition participation. In a radio interview on Kan Reshet Bet, Senior Arab lawmaker Ahmad Tibi, chairman of Ta'al, confirmed that the alliance is ready to assist the so‑called "change bloc" in replacing Netanyahu, though it would likely not formally join the governing coalition. Tibi added that the alliance could trade parliamentary arrangements with the opposition for tangible benefits.

We have blocked the possibility of Netanyahu forming a government.

"We will probably not be an organic part of this government," Tibi added, suggesting that alternative arrangements – such as issue‑specific agreements – could be pursued.

One of those contentions focuses on the rights and welfare of Israel’s Arab minority. Tibi said the Joint List would discuss how its members would vote and at what times in exchange for progress on legal and social matters including crime, house demolitions, infrastructure and incitement. The alliance aims to translate political influence into better representation for Arab communities.

In a separate statement, Yousef Jabareen, chairman of the Joint List, echoed Tibi’s willingness to aid Eisenkot’s effort to unseat Netanyahu. Jabareen stated: "Anyone who wants to offer a real alternative to Netanyahu’s bloodstained government will have to talk to us," and continued that the party was ready to pave the way for replacing the incumbent prime minister.

Noting the fracturing behind the opposition, Yair Golan, chairman of the center‑left Democrats party that is part of the Eisenkot‑led bloc, urged his allies to abandon their refusal to work with Arab parties. Golan posted on the social media platform X: "We must no longer accept Netanyahu’s racist division between Jewish votes and Arab votes."

The potential partnership between the Joint List and the anti‑Netanyahu coalition reflects the complex stakes embedded in Israel’s parliamentary system. A coalition must secure 61 seats, and the fragmented vote count – with only 77% of ballots tallied – leaves room for further negotiations that could shift the balance of power.

Should the Joint List agree to facilitate a coalition, it would exert influence over how government policy is shaped during the forthcoming Knesset term. Issues such as the protection of community houses, infrastructure development in Arab towns, and the regulation of incitement would become topics of negotiation, potentially affecting the everyday lives of thousands of citizens.

At the same time, the alliance’s decision not to formally join the governing coalition may limit its direct legislative power. By remaining outside the formal arrangement, the Joint List could retain the ability to strike independently on cases that directly impact Arab citizens, but it would also risk being sidestepped in definitive policy decisions.

The parliament’s yield on these emerging alliances will set a precedent for minority participation in Israel’s governance. Should a partnership form, it would signal a shift away from the historic marginalization of Arab representatives and could foster a more inclusive parliamentary dynamic.

For Israeli Arabs, the forthcoming negotiation phase is pivotal. Their election outcomes illustrate a larger democratic strain – a hung parliament yielding no clear majority – that forces negotiation beyond traditional partisan lines. The stakes revolve not only around who can form a government, but about how that government will be shaped to address the rights, concerns, and future stability of a minority community across the country.

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